Only two days prior to the NYC mayoral election, Michael Lange issued a significant electoral prediction – going beyond the winner citywide, and block by block. The analyst, a political analyst who grew up in the city, devoted more than ten years in progressive politics and emerged as a kind of local celebrity recently for his deep dives into municipal statistics and voter surveys.
He published his extremely precise prediction map – which correctly forecast that the progressive candidate was victorious although missing Andrew Cuomo’s solid showing – on his newsletter, the Narrative War. He possesses a talent for witty coinages. He highlighted, as an example, the split between the “commie corridor”, stretching from one neighborhood to Bushwick to Astoria, where he forecasted (accurately) that Mamdani would triumph by huge margins, and the conservative-leaning zone on Manhattan’s Upper East and Upper West Sides. In those areas, certain media outlets and Wall Street Journal outrank the mainstream paper” in readership and most voters favored the independent, who ran as a conservative-courting independent.
How was your election night?
I had to do that because they were dropping around 200,000 ballots into the tally every few minutes! I was actually a little nervous at the beginning: Mamdani led the initial ballots by a dozen percentage points, but came two big batches of votes that came in later and his lead went from 12 to 8%. It was concerning.
Understand, there was a world where election day went kind of poorly for him, in which the opponent would have essentially increasing his support from the earlier contest. But the winner gained half a million supporters to his initial base, and that’s a huge reason why he won. He went out and massively expanded his support from the first round.
How did Mamdani gain those extra votes from?
He assembled the coalition that the left long aimed for: it’s multiracial, youthful, it’s renters and individuals squeezed by affordability. He improved significantly with minority communities, everyday New Yorkers, relative to the primary. Additionally he further maximized his base of left-leaning activists, youthful radicals, and immigrant groups. Victory required without making those significant inroads.
He built the coalition that the left always wanted to build: diverse, youthful, renters and people struggling with costs
There were also a number of supporters of both candidates – is this significant?
It’s definitely a real thing, confined to Hispanic laborers, south Asians and Muslims. Voters in ethnic enclaves that supported Trump previously went for Zohran this year. However it’s not that he was gaining white working-class voters and Maga voters.
A major development of the election was the record turnout. Who did that help?
Each candidate. Turnout was significantly higher than I had expected. I figured it could go over two million, but it’s closer to 2.3M – that is a huge number of participants. There was a decent anti-Mamdani block, who were motivated, but his supporters was also motivated, and that was enough to win.
You forecasted he’d get over 50% of the vote. Is he likely for that?
Currently you would say he’s favored to get over 50%. He’s at 50.4% but remain probably 200,000 votes left to report as of Wednesday morning. So I don’t think it’s definitive, but I think probable, and I hope he does so afterwards no one can say Sliwa was a disruptor.
Curtis Sliwa, the conservative contender, is the other big story. His support plummeted.
He lost any district in any borough. Including one neighborhood in the borough, which is like an highly conservative neighborhood. That really surprised me. Cuomo held Caucasian districts, very wealthy areas and devout communities, and then added many Republicans on Staten Island who had a high participation. I think there was a lot of tactical voting by the Republicans. They were doing it before Trump endorsed for Cuomo, but that definitely helped. It could have even turned the tide unless the winning alliance failed to expand.
Regarding your often-discussed “commie corridor” – did backing for the candidate dominant in those parts of the boroughs?
In my view existed some weakening of the commie corridor in certain places like neighborhoods that have older Caucasian residents. In Astoria, for example, the Greek landlords and residents all went for the independent. So there existed some opposition. However overall, largely the commie corridor is a key factor why Mamdani prevailed – he scored between high percentages in specific neighborhoods.
Prior to the vote we reported on whether the candidate was gaining ground with Jewish New Yorkers. Is there any suggestion that he succeeded?
There are neighborhoods with a lot of secular and more progressive-leaning Jews – such as specific locales – where he did well. However in the affluent districts such as the Upper East Side, his position on Israel was influential there. Similarly in the more middle-class Jewish areas including Queens neighborhoods, or Bronx areas – they all leaned Cuomo. And also, there are Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union in southern Brooklyn, who were strongly supportive. So it’s unclear if there were crazy narrative-busters on this one, but he retained more progressive Jewish neighborhoods and including sections of the Upper West Side by big margins.
Has Mamdani rewritten what the city means politically? Will the progressive base serve as a springboard for progressive contenders?
Absolutely, it’s not accidental that some of the biggest figures from the left come from a handful of neighborhoods in Brooklyn, Queens and the Bronx. I believe that we’ll see additional examples – candidates will emerge from these areas to be promoted to higher office.
However I think that every city in America could develop their own commie corridor. Urban places are the epicenters of leftwing power in the nation – since they’re young, people rent and they represent locales where individuals struggle by the disparities exist.
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